SPRINGFIELD — Gov. J.B Pritzker signed the state’s fiscal year 2024 budget on Wednesday, but not before making the smallest of changes — and, in doing so, highlighting one of the most significant powers at an Illinois governor’s disposal.

Following a brief tour around the state over the past week to “amplify” key items in the $50.4 billion spending plan, Pritzker was joined by Democratic state lawmakers in Chicago to sign his fifth budget since taking office.

However, minutes before the event started, the governor’s staff confirmed that Pritzker had issued a line item veto reducing an increase in pay for state lawmakers and statewide constitutional officers from 5.5% to 5%. 

The change keeps the pay increases in line w3ith state law, which calls for lawmakers and constitutional officers to receive annual cost of living adjustments at the rate of inflation or 5%, whichever is lower. 

In what Pritzker termed an “inadvertent” mistake, lawmakers passed a budget that included raises with the higher of the two. For state lawmakers, the difference will be $425 in base pay. For the highest-paid statewide constitutional officers, it will be just under $1,000. 

The changes are small in the context of a more than $50 billion spending plan. However, the move opens the door and provides a good excuse for a brief lesson on the state constitution. 

Illinois’ governor, constitutionally speaking, is generally considered one of the most powerful state chief executives in the nation. A big reason for that is their broad veto powers. 

Under the state constitution, Illinois governors can issue a total veto of bill; an amendatory veto, in which they send a bill back to the General Assembly recommending specific changes; or a line-item veto, which eliminates or reduces specific spending from appropriations bills. 

The General Assembly can override a governor’s total veto with a three-fifths vote in both legislative chambers. If they can’t or do not act, the veto stands.

When an amendatory veto is issued, the legislature can override with a three-fifths vote or accept the governor’s recommendations with a simple majority vote. If lawmakers do not act, the bill dies. 

On the line item veto, the governor can outright eliminate or reduce certain items from spending bills. Unlike with a total or amendatory veto, the bill immediately becomes a law with the governor’s changes.

The General Assembly can subsequently restore eliminated line items with a three-fifths vote or restore reduced line items with a simple majority vote. 

These are significant tools at the governor’s disposal when dealing with the legislature, though how they are deployed can can vary considerably depending on who the governor and legislative leaders are at any particular time.  

Former House Speaker Michael Madigan was never a fan of the amendatory or line item veto, viewing them as a separation of powers conflict between the legislative and executive branches of government. Even if he was amenable to the changes, he would seek them through the regular legislative process instead of ceding to the governor’s pen.

With supermajority control of both legislative chambers, Pritzker has rarely had to deploy his veto powers over policy disagreements.

One rare instance in 2021 saw Pritzker veto a bill that would have created a sales tax exemption for private aircraft parts and components. Lawmakers voted overwhelmingly to override the governor. 

The governor’s first veto of his second term could be forthcoming. Last month, lawmakers passed an energy bill that, among other provisions, would give downstate utility companies Ameren and MidAmerican Energy the “right of first refusal” to build new utility lines in their service areas. 

A Pritzker spokesperson confirmed last week that “the Governor opposes a bill that puts corporate profits over consumers.”

Though not confirmed, it seems likely that Pritzker will deploy his amendatory veto powers on that bill as most parts of it had broad agreement. 

More than 560 bills will hit Pritzker’s desk this summer. He will sign most of them. But, he has a powerful veto pen if he needs it. 

Pritzker signed the budget for the fiscal year that begins July 1. The governor’s office confirmed that it contains $50.428 billion in expected spending against $50.611 billion in expected revenues.

That would equal a surplus of $183 million, a fairly narrow margin for error.

“This budget is a reflection of our priorities,” said state Rep. Jehan Gordon-Booth, D-Peoria, the chief budget negotiator for House Democrats. “It’s a reflection of everybody getting wins, but nobody got everything.”

That’s a good way to sum it up. 

Last Friday, the Chicago Bears made news by confirming that team president Kevin Warren met with Naperville Mayor Scott Wehrli about a possible site for a new stadium and saying that the 326-acre Arlington Park site was “no longer our singular focus.”

It set off what was, at times, a silly conversation about which suburbs might be next to enter the sweepstakes to be the next home of the Bears and if this may provide an opening for new Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson to keep the team in the city. 

The Bears purchased the Arlington Park site for $197 million earlier this year.

They already own the land — and they have already started the process of demolishing the race track.  

One thing they haven’t gotten yet: a deal with local taxing bodies on the value of the property as it lays dormant in the years before a stadium would open.

Cook County Assessor Fritz Kaegi valued the property essentially at what the Bears paid for it. Local school districts want to settle at a value of $95 million. The Bears want the property valued at $37 million. At stake is millions of dollars in annual property tax payments. 

One word keeps coming to mind: leverage.

The Bears don’t have much since they already own the land in Arlington Heights. But they want to convey to local taxing bodies that they could look elsewhere — perhaps outside of Cook County.

Naperville, which lays within DuPage and Will counties, fits the bill. 

In the long run, the team is still seeking help from Springfield to freeze property tax assessments for up to 40 years at the stadium site.

State lawmakers punted on the issue in the spring legislative session. 

And judging by the skepticism in which Pritzker and many state lawmakers have discussed the idea, scoring a touchdown in Springfield may prove difficult for the Monsters of the Midway. 

But, things can change. It’s still the first quarter, so to speak.